This monumental work features the most important German philosophers, jurists, pedagogues, literary critics, doctors, historians, and others whose work has philosophical significance who lived and wrote in the eighteenth century, covering the period between 1701 and 1801. The Dictionary includes work by philosophers whose mother tongue was German, were published in German or who lived in Germany for an extended period of time. Since historic borders are different from today's, the Dictionary includes authors born or who lived in places such (...) as Strasbourg, Danzig, Koenisberg, or Austria. Swiss philosophers are also covered. These philosophers published in German, Latin, French, and Hebrew. Since German philosophy cannot be understood without the influence of French and English philosophers, the work also includes translators and editors. Each entry aims to give the reader insight into the philosophers' life and contribution to the world of thought. Bibliographical references will help with further research. The entries include a biographical sketch, analysis of doctrines with emphasis on historical context, subsequent influences, and bibliography of further works and secondary literature. (shrink)

Wenn es eine Lehre gibt, welche neben der Raum-Zeittheorie der Inauguraldissertation von 1770 für die Genese der Kritik der reinen Vernunft von zentraler Bedeutung ist, dann ist es die von Kant in den frühen Anthropologievorlesungen der siebziger Jahre vorgetragene Theorie eines spontanen, freien und selbstbewußten Ich. Aus welchen systematischen Erwägungen heraus hat er diese Ich-Theorie entwickelt? Was hat ihn dazu veranlaßt, seine Philosophie auf einem spontanen, freien und selbstbewußten Ich zu gründen, welches als eine einfache, numerisch identische, immaterielle und freie (...) Substanz verstanden wird, von der wir eine anschauende Erkenntnis im inneren Sinn haben? Aufgrund welcher konzeptionellen Änderungen wird diese Theorie gegenüber seiner Dissertation überhaupt erst ein sinnvolles Unternehmen? Es wird im Rahmen einer detaillierten Rekonstruktion der Problemlage, mit der sich Kant zwischen 1770 und 1772 konfrontiert war, gezeigt, daß er wesentliche Anregungen durch seinen früheren Schüler Marcus Herz erhalten hat, der in seiner Schrift Betrachtungen aus der spekulativen Weltweisheit einige grundlegende Lehrstücke der Dissertation kritisiert und mit Moses Mendelssohn für die Notwendigkeit eines „ersten Subjekts" plädiert. Nicht Rousseau, sondern Herz und Mendelssohn haben also in ihrer direkt auf die Dissertation bezogenen Kritik Kant davon überzeugt, daß das epistemisch aufgewertete Ich als Grund einer neuen Theorie des Verhältnisses von Denken und Gedachtem fungieren muß, um die Einheit unserer Erfahrung erklären zu können. (shrink)

Kant und die Alternativen Heiner F. Klemme Manfred Kühn, Dieter Schönecker. H . Klemme / M. Kühn / D. Schönecker (Hg.) Moralische Motivation Kant und die Alternativen Meiner KANT-FORSCHUNGEN Begründet von Reinhard Brandt und ...

In her new book, Patricia Kitcher supports Onora O'Neill's view that the categorical imperative is the highest principle of both practical and theoretical reason. I claim that neither O'Neill's original interpretation nor Kitcher's additional evidence in favour of it are convincing. At its core, this misconception of Kant's position consists in the identification of self-referential critique of reason with the concept of autonomy. It will be shown that the (Kant) of both practical and theoretical reason is not the categorical imperative, (...) but the reflective power of judgement, as Kant claims in the Critique of the Power of Judgement. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:A Supplement to: "David Hume to Alexander Dick: A New Letter" Heiner F. Klemme Afterreading Hume'slettertoDick,1 Professor Ian Rosskindlybrought to my attention William R. Brock's book, Scotus Americanus: A survey ofthe sources for links between Scotland and America in the eighteenth century. There is helpful information in Brock's book toidentify the two Scots referred to by Hume in his letter to Sir Alexander Dick. The first ofthese (...) men is likely to be the Reverend George Panton,2 who had been in charge of the Grammar School at Jedburgh in 1769 and had obtained a degree from Marischal College. After becoming a clergyman of the Church of England, he set out for New York to take employment as tutor to the children of a Colonel Philips. He arrived there by June 1773. Hume belonged to a number ofinfluential friends who supported him in his undertaking. In his letter to Dick, Hume asked him to recommend Panton to a certain Mr Smith. This person is probably the Reverend Dr. William Smith,3 an episcopal divine, who was born in Aberdeenshire in 1727. After becoming a tutor to the children ofJosiah Martin, he arrived inNewYork in May 1751. During his short stay he wrote an anonymous pamphlet in which he urged the foundation ofa King's College there. The college came into existence in 1754, changing its name to Columbia University later on. Smith played an important role in the development ofAmerican higher education by promoting the new educational method ofthe Scottish universities. He was appointed to teach logic, rhetoric, ethics, and natural philosophy at Benjamin Franklin's new College of Philadelphia in 1754 and became first Provost of the then University of Pennsylvania a year later. It was Smith who edited and published American Magazine for the first time. Philipps-UniversitätMarburg Heiner Klemme, "David Hume to Alexander Dick: A New Letter," Hume Studies 16, no. 2 (November 1990): 87-88. William R. Brock, Scotus Americanus: A survey ofthe sources for links between Scotland and America in the eighteenth century (Edinburgh, 1982), 42, 107-8. Brock, 111-12. Volume XVII Number 1 87 88Hume Studies... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:John Gregory and the Invention of Professional Medical Ethics and the Profession of Medicine by Laurence B. McCullough, John Gregory’s Writings on Medical Ethics and Philosophy of Medicine ed. by Laurence B. McCullough, Medicine and Morals in the Enlightenment: John Gregory, Thomas Percival and Benjamin Rush by Lisbeth HaakonssenHeiner F. KlemmeLaurence B. McCullough. John Gregory and the Invention of Professional Medical Ethics and the Profession of Medicine. Dordrecht, (...) Boston, London: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1998. Pp. xv + 347. Cloth, $140.00.Laurence B. McCullough, editor. John Gregory’s Writings on Medical Ethics and Philosophy of Medicine. Dordrecht, Boston, London: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1998. Pp. xi + 254. Cloth, $105.00.Lisbeth Haakonssen. Medicine and Morals in the Enlightenment: John Gregory, Thomas Percival and Benjamin Rush. Amsterdam, Atlanta: Rodopi, 1997. Pp. x + 247. Paper, $20.50.The Scottish Enlightenment is widely appreciated for its contributions to philosophy, economics, sociology, law, chemistry, and medicine. The ideas and theories advanced by Hume, Smith, Millar, and Ferguson are still widely debated. John Gregory (1724–1773), important in his own time, is not as well known as some of his friends and colleagues. He was professor of medicine at the University of Edinburgh from 1766 to 1773, where he taught introductory lectures on the theory and practice of medicine. A set of extensive student notes from these lectures, entitled Observations on the Duties and Offices of a Physician, appeared anonymously in 1770. Two years later, Gregory himself published a revised version of his lectures under the title Lectures on the Duties and Qualifications of a Physician. These two books are said to mark the beginnings of professional medical ethics in the English-speaking world. They are also sometimes characterized as having anticipated bioethics.McCullough’s comprehensive John Gregory and the Invention of Professional Medical Ethics and the Profession of Medicine is the first modern intellectual biography of Gregory. Based on extensive research into eighteenth-century institutional context and the study of hitherto unknown manuscripts, he gives a full account of Gregory’s education at Edinburgh and Leiden, and his practice and teaching of medicine at Aberdeen, London, and Edinburgh. He stresses the importance of Gregory’s membership in the Aberdeen Philosophical Society and his close contact with Mrs. Montagu and her Circle for the understanding of his medical ethics. McCullough also shows that Bacon’s experimental method had a decisive influence on Gregory. Gregory took over Bacon’s three offices or ends of medicine: preservation of health, prolonging of life, and curing of diseases. In 1772, perhaps anticipating his premature death from hereditary gout, he added a fourth office, namely easing the pain of dying. Gregory referred mainly to Bacon (and Reid) in his Lectures to make clear how we can enlarge our medical knowledge by the method of experience and observation, pointing out that the progress of medicine had been seriously retarded by the way in which it was taught since Hippocrates. He also thought it was handicapped by the view that only professionals [End Page 535] should practice it, and claimed that even quacks have their advantages because their interest and reputation seldom suffer from the failure of the experiments necessary for the improvement of the medical profession.Gregory also argued that we should regard medicine not as a trade but as an art. In this context the principle of sympathy (or humanity) became important for him. Sympathy was the basis of the central duties in his Lectures. In a time of extreme instability of manners, when medicine was regarded more as a trade than an art, there was no physician-patient relationship based on the epistemological and moral authority of the physician. According to McCullough, it was Gregory who created “the physician-patient relationship as fiduciary. The virtues of the physician as fiduciary—openness to conviction, tenderness, and steadiness—provided for him the moral causes that would gather physicians together into a group worthy of the name, ‘profession,’ in its intellectual and moral senses” (265). The physician should no longer view his patients as moral strangers.McCullough claims that Gregory’s medical ethics is not just of historical interest, providing bioethics with its own history. It is also of... (shrink)

: The paper discusses the concepts of obligation and moral evidence in Mendelssohn’s and Kant’s prize essays. I argue that Mendelssohn departs in significant ways from Christian Wolff’s position, and that Kant intends to overcome Wolffian philosophy with Newtonian methodology while still owing a lot to Wolff and to the project of an ethics within the limits of metaphysics. Although quite akin to Francis Hutcheson’s philosophy, it becomes clear that Kant intended to lay the foundation of an innovative concept of (...) obligation, which shares some similarities with Christian August Crusius’s interpretation of it. (shrink)

Na Crítica da Razão Pura e em outros lugares, Kant apresenta uma aguda distinção entre natureza e razão prática. De acordo com Kant, não é possível deduzir ou derivar todos os sentidos dos imperativos morais dos conhecimentos empíricos sobre o mundo. Alguns intérpretes (como John MacDowell) argumentam que a concepção de razão prática em Kant pode ser ilusória se baseada em uma visão da natureza indefinida, decorrente de um ponto de vista newtoniano. Nesse texto discutirei a relação entre razão prática (...) e natureza na Crítica da faculdade de julgar de Kant. Argumentarei que na segunda parte da obra, Kant introduz um conceito de natureza muito mais rico que as críticas lhe têm atribuído. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Kant-Studien Jahrgang: 106 Heft: 1 Seiten: 88-96.

Klemme offers a summary of one of Schiller’s most influential philosophical writings, its origin, philosophical context, and reception in the literature. Special attention is given to Kant’s impact on Schiller. On the one hand, Schiller is critical of Kant’s ethics, which has no room for grace because it constructs the concept of duty out of the opposition between freedom and nature. On the other hand, he refrains from any critical dissociation from Kant’s ethics in the section on dignity, which (...) Schiller conceives of as more of a ‘masculine’ virtue that more closely approximates Kant’s model of human volition characterized by conflict and difference. Apart from that, Schiller’s conception of the sublime does not constitute any continuation of this doctrine in Kant. (shrink)

In this talk, Hume’s distinction between ‘is’ and ‘ought’ in the Treatise of Human Nature will be discussed. It will be argued that Hume accuses previous moral philosophers neither of committing a logical error in their reasoning, nor of falling short of a possible deduction of an ‘ought’ from an ‘is’ because of false assumptions. Rather, Hume argues that these philosophers have an incorrect notion of reason: By means of reason, we do not discover eternal moral truths, and also, reason (...) does not motivate us. According to Hume, reason reveals only causal relations that exist between external facts and our emotions, which are facts as well. The ‘ought’ is located just in our emotions and not in the things which evoke the moral emotions inside us. (shrink)

Der 200. Todestag von Immanuel Kant ist ein guter Anlass, danach zu fragen, was er selbst in seinem Leben für wichtig erachtet hat und woran er sich in seinem Denken und Handeln orientierte. Darüber hinaus ist dieser Tag aber auch eine gute Gelegenheit, nach einer Eigenart seiner Kritischen Philosophie zu fragen, die sowohl ihre historische Bedeutung als auch ihre systematische Relevanz für das heutige Denken auf den Punkt zu bringen vermag. Beide Fragen möchte ich mit Blick auf ihren inneren Zusammenhang (...) zu beantworten versuchen. (shrink)

Tłumaczenie - Dariusz Pakalski Jednym z fenomenów filozofii godnych uwagi jest to, że jej główni aktorzy się nie starzeją. Bez wątpienia także filozofia ulega modom, jednak tacy myśliciele jak Platon czy Arystoteles, Kant czy Hegel pozostają zawsze aktualni i zawsze prowokujący, gdyż nieustannie stanowią wyzwanie dla naszego myślenia o nas i o świecie. Kant należy do tych wielkich osobistości filozofii, których pisma fascynują mnie najbardziej. Jeśli chcemy poznać Kantowski kosmos, musimy być przygotowani, że spotkamy bezkompromisowego poszukiwacza przygody myślenia, krytyka i (...) twórcę filozoficznego systemu, który ma wiele twarzy. W pracach publikowanych obecnie w polskim przekładzie próbuję kilka z tych twarzy oświetlić bliżej. Obok tekstów poświęconych rozwojowi i kontekstowi historycznemu filozofii Kanta znajdują się tu również studia wskazujące na znaczenie Kanta w czasach współczesnych. W centrum tych tekstów stoi pojęcie wolności. Wolność wynosi człowieka w ujęciu Kanta ponad wszystkie rzeczy świata. Stanowi ona jednak też największy problem, jaki człowiek ma do rozwiązania. Kto jest wolny, musi rozmyślać nie tylko o tym, jaki użytek chce faktycznie z wolności uczynić. Musi rozmyślać raczej o tym, jaki użytek uczynić z niej powinien. ze Wstępu. (shrink)

Foucault est fasciné par l’essai de Kant « Réponse à la question : qu’est-ce que l’ Aufklärung? » (1784) et s’y confronte à plusieurs reprises. Selon lui, l’essai représente une « charnière » entre les « trois Critiques » et son présent (l’actualité). Il contient « l’esquisse » de l’attitude de la modernité, que Foucault décrit comme attitude de la critique. Contre Foucault, l’article soutient que Kant, dans le cadre de sa réflexion sur le présent, tient des propos qui prétendent (...) à une validité intemporelle. Ensuite, l’essai s’adresse à un public érudit pour lequel les idées qu’il défend sont compréhensibles sans aucune connaissance relevant des domaines de la philosophie transcendantale et de la métaphysique. Enfin, l’attitude de la modernité est mieux décrite par le concept de « penser par soi-même » [ Selbstdenken ] que par celui de critique. Penser par soi-même vise l’état de majorité et « l’autoconservation de la raison » (Kant). (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Kant-Studien Jahrgang: 109 Heft: 2 Seiten: 249-250.